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សមត្ថកិច្ច​បញ្ជូន​អ្នក​វេច​ខ្ចប់​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ​​មក​សាកសួរ​នៅ​តុលាការ

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ទីតាំង​សង្ស័យ​ផលិត​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ​សញ្ញា​រូប​វែក ដែល​សមត្ថកិច្ច​បង្ក្រាប​បាន ក្នុង​សង្កាត់​បឹង​ព្រលឹត ខណ្ឌ​៧​មករា ​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ។  រូបថត​នគរបាល​ជាតិ

ដោយ ជាតិ ចំណាន RFA 2018-01-25

ម្ចាស់​ទីតាំង​សង្ស័យ​ថា លួច​វេច​ខ្ចប់​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ​សញ្ញា​រូប​វែក ត្រូវ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​បញ្ជូន​មក​តុលាការ​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៥ ខែ​មករា​នេះ ដើម្បី​សាកសួរ​មុន​ឈាន​ដល់​ការចោទប្រកាន់។ ការ​សម្រេច​បញ្ជូន​ជនសង្ស័យ​មក​តុលាការ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៥ ខែ​មករា នេះ ក្រោយ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​ចម្រុះ​ចុះ​ឆែកឆេរ​កន្លែង​វេច​ខ្ចប់​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ ដែល​រង​បណ្ដឹង​រំលោភ​កម្មសិទ្ធិបញ្ញា របស់​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​ប៊ីចេង​រូប​វែក ដែល​ជា​ម្ចាស់​ដើម​នៃ​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​ថៃ និង​រឹបអូស​ប៊ីចេង ក្លែងក្លាយ​បាន​ជាង ៣.៥តោន។

អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​អយ្យការ​នៃ​សាលាដំបូង​ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ និង​ជា​ព្រះរាជអាជ្ញា​រង​ដែល​កាន់​សំណុំរឿង​វេច​ខ្ចប់​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ​លោក លី សុផាណា ឲ្យ​ដឹង​តាមរយៈ​ប្រព័ន្ធ​តេឡេក្រាម​ថា លោក​កំពុង​ចាត់ការ​រឿង​ក្តី​នេះ។ លោក លី សុផាណា បាន​បើក​ប្រតិបត្តិការ​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២២ ២៣ ខែ​មករា ទៅ​លើ​សំណុំ​រឿង​នេះ។ សមត្ថកិច្ច​បាន​ចុះ​បង្ក្រាប បី​ទីតាំង​នៅ​ក្នុង​សង្កាត់​បឹង​ព្រលឹត ខណ្ឌ​៧​មករា ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ រក​ឃើញ​ប៊ីចេង សំបក​វេច​ខ្ចប់ ម៉ាស៊ីន​អ៊ុត​មាត់​ថង់ ម៉ាស៊ីន​វេច​ខ្ចប់ និង​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ​ជាង ៣.៥​តោន។

ក្រោយ​រក​ឃើញ​វត្ថុតាង​ទាំងនោះ កម្លាំង​នគរបាល​ប្រឆាំង​បទល្មើស​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច នៃ​ក្រសួង​មហាផ្ទៃ​សម្រេច​បញ្ជូន​ខ្លួន​ម្ចាស់​ទីតាំង​ដែល​រង​បណ្ដឹង​រំលោភ​កម្មសិទ្ធិបញ្ញា​របស់​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​ប៊ីចេង​រូប​វែក​ទៅ​កាន់​សាលាដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ ដើម្បី​ចាត់ការ​តាម​ផ្លូវ​ច្បាប់​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៥ ខែ​មករា។

ប្រធាន​នាយកដ្ឋាន​ប្រឆាំង​បទល្មើស​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​នៃ​ក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ លោក​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍​ឯក ចាន់ វ៉ាន់ធឿន ដែល​ដឹកនាំ​កម្លាំង​ចុះ​បង្ក្រាប​បទល្មើស​នេះ ត្រូវ​សារព័ត៌មាន​ក្នុងស្រុក​ដកស្រង់​សម្ដី ក្នុង​ពេល​លោក​ចុះ​បង្ក្រាប​ថា ការសម្រេច​បង្ក្រាប​ករណី​នេះ ព្រោះ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​បាន​ទទួល​ពាក្យ​បណ្ដឹង​ពី​ម្ចាស់​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​ប៊ីចេង​សញ្ញា​រូប​វែក​របស់​ប្រទេស​ថៃ ដែល​មាន​ការចុះបញ្ជី​នៅ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា ក្រុមហ៊ុន​ដែល​ជា​ដើម​បណ្តឹង​បាន​រាយការណ៍​ថា មាន​ក្រុមហ៊ុន និង​ទីតាំង​វេច​ខ្ចប់​ប៊ីចេង​ក្លែងក្លាយ​ជាច្រើន​ទីតាំង​កំពុង​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​លួច​ផលិត និង​ចែកចាយ​ពេញ​ទី​ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ និង​ទូទាំង​ខេត្ត​នៃ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា។

ការ​រក​ឃើញ​ផលិតផល​ក្លែងក្លាយ​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ មិនមែន​ជា​លើកទីមួយ​ទេ កន្លង​មក​សមត្ថកិច្ច ក៏​ធ្លាប់​បាន​រក​ឃើញ​កន្លែង​ផលិត​គ្រឿង​បរិភោគ​ក្លែងក្លាយ​ជាច្រើន​ដែរ។

នាយក​ប្រតិបត្តិ​នៃ​សម្ព័ន្ធ​គណនេយ្យភាព​សង្គម​កម្ពុជា (ANSA) លោក សន ជ័យ បាន​សរសេរ​នៅ​ហ្វេសប៊ុក (Facebook) របស់​លោក​ថា៖ «ស្រុក​គេ​ទៅដល់​ណា​ដល់​ណី​អស់ហើយ ឯង​នៅ​ស៊ី​ប៊ីចេង ស្ករត្នោត​ក្លែងក្លាយ បន្លែ​គីមី និង​សំបក​សាច់​ក្រក​ខូច​គុណភាព​ហ្នឹង​ទៅ!»។

បន្ថែម​ពី​នេះ មន្ត្រី​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​រូប​នេះ​បាន​ផ្ដល់​បទ​សម្ភាស​មក​អាស៊ីសេរី​ថា សមត្ថកិច្ច​គួរ​ប្រឹងប្រែង​បង្ក្រាប​លើ​ករណី​ទាំងនេះ​ឲ្យ​បាន​ខ្លាំងក្លា​ជាង​នេះ ដោយ​មិន​ចាំបាច់​រង់ចាំ​មាន​ពាក្យ បណ្ដឹង​ទើប​ចាត់ការ​ទេ។ លោក សន ជ័យ បន្ត​ថា បញ្ហា​នេះ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប៉ះពាល់​ធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ​ណាស់​ដល់​សុខភាព​របស់​ពលរដ្ឋ៖ «មនុស្សភាគច្រើន​នៅ​ក្នុង​ប្រទេស​នេះ (កម្ពុជា) ខ្ញុំ​សន្និដ្ឋាន​បាន​ថា​ជាង ៨០​ភាគរយ ដែល​ប្រើ​ប៊ីចេង ហើយ​ប៊ីចេង​ខ្ទះ​ទ្រ​វែក​ជា​ប៊ីចេង​ល្បី ឃើញ​គេ​ផ្សាយ​ពាណិជ្ជកម្ម​ច្រើន​ណាស់​នៅ​តាម​ប្រព័ន្ធ​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​ផ្សេងៗ។ នេះ​ជា​រឿង​មួយ​ដែល​គួរ​ឲ្យ​សោកស្ដាយ​បំផុត​ដែល​មាន​ផលិតផល​បែប​នេះ​ក្លែងក្លាយ»។

លោក សន ជ័យ ចង់​ឃើញ​សមត្ថកិច្ច​បង្ក្រាប​ការ​នាំចូល​បន្លែ​គីមី គ្រឿង​សមុទ្រ​ដាក់​សារធាតុ​គីមី និង​ផលិតផល​ផ្សេងទៀត ដោយ​មិន​ចាំបាច់​រង់ចាំ​មាន​ពាក្យ​បណ្ដឹង​ឡើយ។

បញ្ហា​សុខភាព​នេះ​ដែរ ប្រមុខ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ធ្លាប់​ស្តី​បន្ទោស​ពលរដ្ឋ​ថា​មិន​ចេះ​មើល​បន្លែ​គីមី​ខ្លួនឯង​បែរជា​នាំគ្នា​បន្ទោស​រដ្ឋាភិបាល និង​បន្ទោស​រូបលោក​ទៅវិញ។ ប៉ុន្តែ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន រង​ការរិះគន់​ពី​មហាជន​វិញ​ថា ជា​មេដឹកនាំ​បរាជ័យ​ក្នុង​ការ​អនុវត្ត​ការងារ​របស់​ខ្លួន៕

‘Lack of proof’ in Mother Nature activists’ hearing

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Duong Saktheary (left) and Ty Mary, mothers of two Mother Nature activists, stand outside the Koh Kong Provincial Court, where their sons were tried yesterday. Licadho

Phak Seangly | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 07:51 ICT

Two activists from the conservation group Mother Nature were tried yesterday in Koh Kong for photographing a vessel at sea, with their lawyer asking the court to dismiss the charges due to a lack of evidence that they had committed any crime.

In September, activists Hun Vannak, 35, and Dem Kundy, 21, were charged with “incitement to commit a felony” and making unauthorised recordings of a person in “a private place”, for filming a suspected sand-bearing ship a kilometre away from a boat of their own in the open ocean.

Yesterday’s trial lasted around three and a half hours, and a verdict is expected today, a lightning-quick turnaround for Cambodia’s notoriously sluggish courts.

Defence lawyer Sam Chamroeun yesterday said the judge should throw out the case, as the witness accounts were weak and the prosecution lacked concrete evidence.

“Both I and [the defendants] suggested that the judge drop the charges because they are not guilty,” Chamroeun said in an interview after the trial.

“We hope [the decision] will be a positive verdict for our clients.”

Read more: How Mother Nature duo followed their principles into activism — and a trial

Chamroeun also took aim at LYP Group’s Chief of Staff Chan Nakry, who brought the initial complaint against the Mother Nature duo. Chamroeun said he was not a victim, was absent from the trial, and had no right to bring the case because there was no letter from the company confirming Nakry as their representative.

Reached yesterday, Nakry said he was too busy to attend the proceedings and referred questions to his lawyer, Chun Socheat. Socheat would only say that the location in the ocean where the two suspects were filming “belonged to the company”.

According to Phal Chamroeun, a trial monitor with rights group Adhoc, during the trial Socheat claimed the pair took photos, posted them to Facebook, and “incited” society by accusing the company of foul play. While Mother Nature activists have been prolific in sharing footage on social media, Vannak and Kundy were arrested before uploading the footage in question.

If found guilty, the pair could face up to two years for the “incitement” charge, and as much as an additional year for making unauthorised recordings.

A van carrying two Mother Nature activists arrested for photographing suspected sand transport ships arrives at the Koh Kong Provincial Court yesterday. Licahdo

Mother Nature has long campaigned against sand dredging in Koh Kong, and the industry has become a contentious issue in Cambodia – and not just for its environmental impacts.

In 2016, data revealed the amount of sand the Kingdom reported exporting to Singapore was a tiny fraction of what Singapore said it received, inviting speculation that corruption was the cause for the missing sand. Other data showed similar gaps in reported exports to India and Taiwan.

The Ministry of Mines and Energy last year “completely halted the export of all kinds of construction sand and mud sand from Koh Kong province to foreign countries”. Silica sand, which was suspected to be the type of sand on the ship filmed by the activists, was later said to be exempt from the foreign export ban.

Mother Nature co-founder Alejandro Gonzalez-Davidson, who was expelled from the country in 2015, yesterday described the trial as a “joke”, and said he hoped the “nightmare that Vannak and Kundy are having will end soon”.

Dem Kundy’s mother, Duong Saktheary, said she was “suffering” through her son’s ordeal. “I would have accepted it if my son was guilty of doing something wrong, but he was just helping to protect the forest and the environment for everyone,” she said.

Adhoc’s Phal Chamroeun agreed with the pair’s defence lawyer that there was insufficient evidence to convict them.

“If the judge follows the procedures and thoroughly considers the case, we do hope that they will be released,” he said.

Hour In, a legal adviser from the rights group Licadho, said the complaint filed to the police was very short, simply accusing them of taking photos of the company’s vessel without permission. However, he said, when the case reached the court, the additional “incitement” charge was tacked on.

Simon Walker, country representative of the UN’s Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that the body was monitoring the trial due to “the importance of consistency and fairness in trials, particularly in relation to criminal cases, and the need to apply the same evidentiary standards of proof”.

Tea Banh eyes overhaul of military promotions

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Members of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces attend an inauguration ceremony in Phnom Penh in 2013. Pha Lina

Mech Dara and Andrew Nachemson | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 25 January 2018 | 09:52 ICT

Defence Minister Tea Banh called for reforms on Tuesday to the culture of promotion within the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, which has seen over 600 new generals minted in the last nine months alone.

Observers and analysts have criticised the Kingdom’s notoriously bloated upper echelons, claiming that promotions are based on nepotism and a way of shoring up support for the government, rather than a merit-based recognition. In March, insiders estimated there were 3,000 generals in the RCAF, with at least 607 more added since.

In a speech at the Military Police’s year-end review on Tuesday, Banh said promotions have not always been “implemented properly” and can “negatively impact the unit” as a whole.

Officials within the Ministry of Defence have previously told The Post that the number of generals has become a source of embarrassment when working with international counterparts.

In Banh’s comments, he appeared to suggest rather than increasing support for the government, undeserved promotions were actually leaving overlooked soldiers disgruntled.

“The promotion and assigning of roles has not been evaluated transparently, and that makes some mentally discontent.”

CNRP’s predecessor parties ignore GDP call to run in July election

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GDP Secretary-General Sam Inn (left) campaigning with party officials during last year’s commune elections. Facebook

Ben Sokhean and Ananth Baliga | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 07:54 ICT

The fledgling Grassroots Democracy Party appealed yesterday to the predecessors of the now-dissolved Cambodia National Rescue Party to contest this year’s upcoming elections in a bid to dilute the ruling party’s vote share – an offer they quickly turned down.

Following the dissolution of the CNRP in November, the Candlelight Party – formerly the Sam Rainsy Party – and the Human Rights Party made it clear they would not contest the July 29 national elections. The two parties merged in 2012 to form the CNRP, coming closer than any opposition party ever to unseating the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.

Although the CNRP is now banned, with 118 of its officials blacklisted for five years, there is no order preventing the two lesser parties from joining the ballot.

The GDP, which counts the beloved late political analyst Kem Ley as one of its founders, has said it will compete in the elections and field candidates in all 25 provinces.

The party yesterday suggested via its Facebook page that the SRP and HRP should participate in the upcoming elections as separate entities or as a new, combined force. GDP Secretary-General Sam Inn said this would enable the three to cut into the CPP’s vote share and prevent it from getting a majority in the National Assembly.

“So we think that the CNRP can help to encourage people and hope to vote and we believe that this can lead to the breaking of the 50 percent plus 1 [majority] of the CPP,” Inn said.

Prior to the dissolution, the CPP held 68 seats to the CNRP’s 55. Thanks to rushed amendments to electoral laws passed before the Supreme Court decision to dissolve the CNRP, the ruling party now has 79 seats, with the minor royalist party Funcinpec holding 41, and three seats divided among even smaller parties.

Inn contends that instead of boycotting the elections after the CNRP’s dissolution, GDP’s participation was the only way to move the democratic process in Cambodia forward.

That strategy runs counter to pledges from former CNRP officials, who have maintained that there is no pretence of democracy, or possibility of a fair election, unless the CNRP is restored.

The GDP’s call to run was swiftly rejected by Candlelight and the HRP yesterday, with Teav Vannol, acting president of Candlelight, saying he had not heard of the GDP’s suggestion but that it was near impossible they would contest.

“We see the political situation is terrible. We can see that the ruling party restricts democrats and it means that it has killed democracy in Cambodia,” Vannol said.

Even if they participated and won the elections, he said, there was very little chance the ruling party would let go of power.

Son Soubert, president of the HRP, said the party felt it best to sit out the July ballot and let the CPP feel pressure internationally for having effectively rigged the vote.

“Not going to vote is better than participating in it . . . Then the international community won’t recognise the CPP [government],” he said.

Were the SRP and HRP to join the elections, the GDP’s proposal could hit a mathematical roadblock because of how National Assembly seats are calculated in Cambodia, with purportedly proportional seat allocations disproportionately skewed to favour the party with the largest bloc of votes.

In the 2008 national elections, the SRP and HRP contested separately and won a combined 29 National Assembly seats, but missed out on others because they formed separate blocs.

For example, in Kampong Cham, they would have picked up eight seats if they had run as a united party, instead of the combined seven they took separately.

In order to reach a meaningful majority, the three would have to contest as a coalition, coordinating candidates across different provinces so their votes were not fractured, said Yoeurng Sotheara, of the election watchdog Comfrel.

“According to the formula, the winner takes advantage of the calculations,” he said. “To compete, the smaller parties need to combine together, but it is still challenging and difficult.”

Political analyst Lao Mong Hay said the GDP was free to make such an appeal to other parties, but said under the current conditions participation in the elections would retroactively legitimise the government’s widely condemned crackdown.

“When conditions for free and fair elections do not exist, participating in the scheduled election would be tantamount to lending legitimacy to the present undemocratic rule,” he said.

Thy Sovantha threatens new suit

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Thy Sovantha speaks to the press outside the Phnom Penh Municipal Court in 2016. Pha Lina

Soth Koemsoeun | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 07:55 ICT

Social media celebrity and card-carrying CPP member Thy Sovantha yesterday said she will file a lawsuit against wildlife NGO head Suwanna Gauntlett alleging discrimination after the latter allegedly denied her access to an ecotourism program the group is launching today in Koh Kong province.

The threat is the latest in a long line of lawsuits filed or threatened by Sovantha, who was once an opposition darling for her social media campaign that aided the CNRP’s surprising electoral gains in 2013. In recent years, however, she turned on the opposition, and has instead cosied up to Prime Minister Hun Sen and his Cambodian People’s Party.

The social media celebrity’s penchant for filing lawsuits has seen her sue former CNRP President Kem Sokha for disparaging her in a leaked private phone call, two opposition activists for questioning the attendance at one of her NGO events, and ex-opposition leader Sam Rainsy for claiming she took $1 million from the premier to fund anti-opposition activities – an accusation based on leaked text logs, purportedly between her and Hun Sen.

Following the CNRP’s dissolution in November, Sovantha even threatened to sue the CNRP’s more than 5,000 elected officials as accomplices to an alleged treasonous plot.

Sovantha’s grouse with Gauntlett stems from her intentions to join a group of youth that were invited by Wildlife Alliance to experience an ecotourism project and camping location in Koh Kong’s Areng Valley, with the trip starting today.

While she received permission from local authorities to join the group, Sovantha yesterday said that Gauntlett refused to take her along.

“When I asked her [Gauntlett], she just replied that I am famous already and do not need to go with her team,” Sovantha said yesterday.

She then claimed that Gauntlett was angry with her for questioning Wildlife Alliance’s activities, but did not elaborate on this.

Sovantha also released an audio recording purportedly between her and an assistant to Gauntlett, with the latter saying Sovantha should not come on this trip and opt instead for the next excursion, because she could be a distraction.

Sovantha said Gauntlett had three days to issue a public apology and compensate her $100,000 for the self-inflicted hit to her reputation.

Failing this, Sovantha said she would file a complaint based on Article 265 of the Criminal Code for “discrimination”. The article deals primarily with employment practices and public services, and carries a prison sentence of up to one year,

Gauntlett and other senior NGO staffers could not be reached for comment yesterday.

However, one Wildlife Alliance staffer, who asked to remain anonymous because they were not authorised to speak to the media, said Gauntlett refused Sovantha access to the camping trip because she was a political figure and Gauntlett wanted the focus to remain on the local community.

“She did not understand what we wanted, so she is angry with us. But we will write a letter to her to explain [the situation],” the staffer said.

Sovantha’s involvement in conservation work seems to have begun with her invitation to an environmental forum with Prime Minister Hun Sen in 2016, where she used a question and answer session to push a government narrative blaming small-time villagers for the country’s rampant deforestation. She later founded an NGO, but uses its forums to lash out at the opposition.

Koh Kong Governor Mithona Phouthorng only said that she had permitted Sovantha to join the camping trip but was unsure of Wildlife Alliance’s reasons for asking her not to come.

Komnom mapey chnam គំនុំម្ភៃឆ្នាំ

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Komnom mapey chnam គំនុំម្ភៃឆ្នាំ by Sinn Sisamuth ស៊ីន ស៊ីសាមុត


ទឹកចូលខ្លាញ់ក្ដៅ (ដោយ សំ-ពិសិដ្ឋ)

Heng Thal Savuth


Unchecked and unopposed, Hun Sen is all powerful

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Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen arrives to attend the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) congress in Phnom Penh, January 19, 2018. Photo: Reuters/Samrang Pring Photo

Long-serving Cambodian leader consolidates control ahead of polls and a possible leadership transition to one of his children

By DAVID HUTT, @davidhuttjourno | Asia Times
PHNOM PENH, JANUARY 24, 2018 1:42 PM (UTC+8)

Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) initiated 342 people into its Central Committee at a recently concluded three-day congress, marking the party’s largest ever induction of new members to its core.

The move boosts the communist-like body’s size to 865, almost four times larger than China’s and Vietnam’s Communist Parties’ central committees.

While the CPP’s committees customarily expand at each congress, the latest increase has the hallmarks of a political power play as Hun Sen consolidates his grip ahead of this year’s elections and a possible dynastic leadership transition to one of his children in the years ahead.

In late December, Hun Sen suggested that several secretaries and undersecretaries of state would be barred from Cabinet meetings, while he would also directly appoint people to the positions himself. They have traditionally been chosen by the National Assembly.

A CPP spokesman claimed at the time the move was made because Hun Sen thinks the “government is too large.” But if that’s what the premier thought a month ago, it begs the question why the party’s Central Committee grew by almost a third at the CPP’s recently concluded congress.

Some analysts believe that the Central Committee, nominally a key decision-making body that debates policies and appointments, now lacks the political weight it once held.

Cambodia’s Prime Minister and president of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) Hun Sen (C) with supporters on January 7, 2017. Photo: AFP / Tang Chhin Sothy

This is likely Hun Sen’s intent, a move designed to dilute the opinions of party members with alternative views through the sheer mass of delegates, while also giving more power to the smaller 13-member Permanent Committee, in which the party’s major decisions are now made.

In November, the CPP ensured that its only viable opponent will not take part in this July’s general election after a compliant Supreme Court formally dissolved the Cambodia National Rescue Party, the largest opposition party. Supreme Court President Dith Munty, the judge who made the ruling, is also a member of the CPP’s Permanent Committee.

Political scientist Lee Morgenbesser, of Australia’s Griffith University, said last year that Hun Sen had built a “personalist dictatorship” where his own power now exceeds that of the CPP, which he solely controls. That might still be the case, though there are signs that not all is well within the ruling party.

Lu Laysreng, a former deputy prime minister of the royalist Funcinpec party who fled Cambodia last year, told Radio Free Asia in November he thinks that while many CPP officials don’t publicly question Hun Sen, they are privately concerned about the direction he’s taking the party.

“This side of the CPP knows that sooner or later Hun Sen will plunge himself into trouble. Once he is falling down, he will be then pushed to step down,” he said, before advising the premier: “Don’t just keep yourself overwhelmed with the issue of dividing the CNRP. Within your party, it is not so stable.”

One reason for intra-party dissatisfaction could be the defiant, almost welcoming, stance Hun Sen and some senior officials have taken towards the possibility of the European Union and US imposing sanctions in response to the CNRP’s dissolution. Suggested measures have included the freezing of CPP members’ assets held overseas.

If Washington and Brussels follow through on these threats, it could sow dissatisfaction among some party officials, especially among those not as wealthy as the party’s senior members. A possible economic downturn caused by sanctions, including measures targeting crucial export industries like garments, might also alienate business elites, whose support is integral to the CPP’s rule.

Hun Sen (C) irons clothes at a factory compound on the outskirts of Phnom Penh on August 30, 2017. Photo: AFP/Stringer

“Anyone sensible would be concerned about the direction not just of the party but of the country,” Sophal Ear, associate professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College at Los Angeles, told Asia Times.

Referring to effect of possible sanctions on government officials, he added this would necessarily mean “a smaller pie for everybody, and who wants a smaller pie? Nobody.”

Human Rights Watch, a rights lobby group, has suggested that Western nations try to cut off Hun Sen from his own party by “isolating him as a pariah; isolating him economically,” John Sifton, the group’s Asia advocacy director, told local media.

Sifton said this could be done by either targeting only Hun Sen with sanctions or targeting only senior CPP officials and not him.

Hun Sen is no stranger to dissent among his own ranks and has adroitly navigated past internal tumult.  Indeed, indications of factional sparring within the CPP has quietened in recent years, particularly since the death Chea Sim, a party grandee and CPP president from 1991 until he passed away in 2015.

In 2004, when Hun Sen took the party into a brief coalition with Funcinpec, Chea Sim contested the alliance. His residence was allegedly surrounded by police controlled by a Hun Sen loyalist, and Chea Sim was put on a plane to neighboring Thailand.

Prior to that move, Chea Sim was made president of the Senate in 1999, then a newly created upper house, in a Hun Sen inspired move many saw as a demotion from his previous long-held role (1981-98) as National Assembly president. Some analysts at the time believe the position was specifically created for his “retirement” from executive office.

The now deceased Chea Sim in a 2012 file photo. Photo: Wikimedia Commons/Hang Reaksmey/VOA Khmer

But Chea Sim’s faction is still thought to have some influence within the CPP and is today centered on his brother-in-law, Sar Kheng, who serves concurrently as deputy prime minister and interior minister.

In 2015, Sar Kheng was given the honorific “samdech”, which roughly translates as “greatest,” a title shared by only a handful of senior party leaders. Sar Kheng’s son and brother, Sar Ratha and Sar Thet, joined the CPP’s Central Committee this week.

Kong Korm, a retired politician who served as the Sam Rainsy Party’s president for three years, controversially said last year that Sar Kheng could remain deputy prime minister if the CNRP won July’s general election. (The speech was made before the party’s dissolution).

Sar Kheng said the remark was “dishonest propaganda,” though it supported the view of many analysts that the minister has emerged as a moderating force within government, one that could hold the party together in the event of turmoil.

“I think Sar Kheng is ultimately, at this point, the person who would consolidate control, either with one of the children of Hun Sen or against them. And I think if he did it with them it would be better,” Paul Chambers, a lecturer at Thailand’s Naresuan University, told the Southeast Asia Globe in January.

Chamber’s comments, including rumors about Hun Sen’s ill-health that were prompted after numerous visits he made in recent months to Singaporean hospitals, were angrily rebutted by the premier, who challenged three foreign political commentators named in the piece to a game of golf and chess to prove his fitness.

Interior Minister Sar Kheng talks to the media in a 2013 file photo: Wikimedia Commons

In some respects, doubts over party loyalty are to be expected.

After the CNRP’s dissolution in November, Hun Sen told the party’s elected members, from provincial to commune officials, to defect to the ruling party or lose their jobs. More than 2,000 did, mainly because of official threats and intimidation, though the defections were probably not as many as Hun Sen wanted.

Small wonder the CPP doesn’t inherently trust these reluctant defectors, whose true interests most likely don’t lie with the success of the ruling party at upcoming polls. Despite their defections, many remain under police surveillance.

Moreover, there are indications that some CPP grassroots members aren’t especially happy about the incoming defectors, with some concerned that they will be overlooked for political positions.

A similar problem is found in wider Cambodian society. The ruling party is thought to officially have 5.3 million registered members, according to an internal party document leaked in August, but only 3.5 million people voted for the CPP in June’s commune election.

Many analysts doubt there is currently any serious factional division within the CPP, but that might change after July’s general election.

The ruling party’s campaign to erase the CNRP from the ballot was no doubt motivated by fear of losing the upcoming poll. The CPP only narrowly won the 2013 general election and saw significant losses at last year’s local commune elections. The CNRP’s dissolution means the CPP is almost guaranteed victory, though Hun Sen is apparently not overly confident.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen looks at a ballot box after he cast his ballot in Kandal province on June 4, 2017. Photo: AFP/ Tang Chhin Sothy

“It does not mean that because the opposition party is dissolved we can become careless or stop working, but this thing might become the danger for us. It is not the opposition party that kills us, but we kill ourselves,” he said in a speech to senior party officials that was leaked in November.

Unlike Vietnam and China’s ruling parties, the CPP does not believe a regular change of leadership is healthy for the party’s survival. Indeed, Hun Sen has been in power since 1985, making him the world’s longest serving non-royal leader.

Much of this, especially in more recent years, is predicated on the notion that only he is able to hold the party together. For Hun Sen, elections are meant to show business and political elites that the public still recognizes him as the nation’s only capable leader.

But embarrassment at the polls could put that legitimacy at risk. The CPP’s concern, analysts say, is not only that some voters opt for minor parties, but that a sizeable number of Cambodians boycott the election altogether, a more probable scenario. Some CNRP supporters say that is their only means of protest.

The 2013 general election was attended by low voter turnout of 68.5%. Some now suggest a voter turnout of less than 60% in July would be equivalent to a vote of no confidence in the CPP-led government.

This becomes even more important amid suggestions that Hun Sen needs a resounding victory in July to complete his long-speculated handover of power, expected to be to one of his sons.

But if the CPP fares poorly at the polls, it could jeopardize a handover and call into question the direction he has taken the party and the country. For now, though, no one has dared to stand up as a potential new party leader.

Students see Khmer Rouge tribunal as educational tool: study

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Cambodian students listen to closing statements at the Khmer Rouge tribunal. A new report shows Phnom Penh students consider the court’s most important legacy to be education, ahead of justice or reconciliation. ECCC

Erin Handley | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 10:31 ICT

A new study probing the impressions of Phnom Penh students of the Khmer Rouge tribunal revealed they see the international court more as an educational tool than a means for justice.

In the study, conducted by Stanford University’s WSD Handa Center for Human Rights, 83 students were surveyed in focus groups, along with 16 civil society members, government actors and educators.

“Students identified the potential for the Tribunal to educate their generation about the past as its biggest potential legacy; ranking this higher than judicial, psychological, or capacity-building legacies,” the report read.

Of the 65 students who responded to a question about the court’s purpose, 32 percent said it was to “teach the next generation about what happened or learn the truth”, 18 percent said it was to provide justice or reconciliation and 15 percent said it was to prosecute the Khmer Rouge leaders. Another 14 percent said the tribunal – also known as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia – was about healing the suffering of the past.

“This is interesting because often in discussions about the ECCC , it is these other legacies that come up more often – ending impunity, strengthening the capacity of domestic courts or providing justice or some type of healing for the victims,” said lead author Caitlin McCaffrie.

“In contrast to some commonly held views that young people are just not interested in the history, we found most people were very curious, they had opinions and they had a lot of questions.”

In the words of one student, “the purpose of the tribunal is for the next generation who did not experience the regime, so they can know what happened”.

Yet Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, stressed the tribunal was, first and foremost, a court.

“The ECCC is a court of law, not a history department,” he said, saying seeing the tribunal as a teaching tool “completely undermines” the years and millions invested in it. “Its legacy is justice . . . to prosecute the Khmer Rouge leaders.”

But the findings came as little surprise to both sides of the courtroom in the current case against former Khmer Rouge leaders Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan.

Nuon Chea defender Victor Koppe said the findings “made perfect sense” as there was a strong yearning for Cambodians to learn about the events during the Democratic Kampuchea era.

Koppe said the majority of Chea’s closing brief in Case 002/02 was dedicated to expounding on the former Brother Number Two’s theory – dubbed “The Crocodile” – about the history of the communist movement and the role of Vietnam.

“Explaining this history was indeed the sole reason for Nuon Chea to keep participating in these extremely flawed proceedings until the end and for me not to withdraw as his lawyer,” Koppe said.

International co-prosecutor Nicholas Koumjian – whose team has derided Chea’s crocodile as “fake history” – took a different slant. “A critical legacy for all international criminal courts, whether we are talking about Nuremberg, the Yugoslav or Rwandan tribunals or the ECCC, is to contribute to greater understanding of the truth about momentous historical events,” he said. “As the philosopher said, ‘Those who do not learn history are doomed to repeat it’.”

‘Uranium’ court case to be reinvestigated

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Niem Chheng | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 10:44 ICT

A bizarre trial in which four people were accused of smuggling “uranium” into Cambodia – purportedly in liquid form, in plastic bottles whose contents were never tested – will be sent back to the investigative phase, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court judge ordered yesterday.

“Having listened to the accused, lawyers and the prosecutor, the court decides to order a reinvestigation of the case [and] requests for the result of the test on the confiscated substance and review of the relevant evidence,” Judge Seng Leang said yesterday.

Leang also assigned himself to be the investigating judge on the case.

Defendant Chea Yu, a 44-year-old construction worker, was charged with the crime of possessing a substance used to produce chemical, nuclear, biological or radioactive weapons. Chan Thoeun, Tit Raksmey, and Dy Vibol are named as accomplices, and if convicted, all four could face five to 10 years in prison.

However, little evidence was presented to support the charges, as authorities never tested the substance in question in the almost year and half since the four were arrested and put in pre-trial
detention.

The substance in question was a liquid transported in plastic water bottles, despite uranium being a metal that enters a liquid state at 1,132 degrees Celsius.

Speaking in court at the start of the trial a few weeks ago, Yu claimed he was given the substance by a man in Vietnam named “Mai”, who connected him with Thoeun, a motodop, to find buyers for substance.

Yu was told the substance was an “acid used to test gold” worth $400,000 per litre.

Thoeun, in turn, met Raksmey, a farmer, in Phnom Penh, who found taxi driver Dy Vibol. The group of four then found buyers for the substance in Stung Treng and arranged to meet them and five others on August 30, 2016.

At the meeting, the substance was poured on a metal nail, which dissolved. Police then swooped in and arrested the four, saying in their

report that the substance was “uranium”. Officials involved have yet to explain that conclusion and the Ministry of Defence, to whom the substance was handed over, never had it tested.

The four defence lawyers contended there was no evidence the substance was uranium, noting that their clients, and the police handling it, would likely be dead if it were.

Despite legal hurdles, Cambodia’s LGBT couples are adopting – and changing minds

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Pel Nhork (left) and her transgender husband, Heng Ny, discuss the adoption of their children at their house in Takeo province this week. Hong Menea

Leonie Kijewski and Kong Meta | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 07:49 ICT

When Heng Ny laughs, hundreds of lines run across his face. Sitting in front of his simple house with cats and chickens at his feet, discussing his relationship is what brings out a smile. He and his wife seem like an average couple, but one thing is different: Ny is transgender.

Although they now live peacefully in their home in Takeo’s Trapaing Sap commune, in Bati district, day-to-day life was not always easy.

“Her parents and her grandmother accused me of having put a spirit in her to make her fall in love with me,” he said. “They tried to separate us. They even brought her to stay one night at a sorcerer’s house.”

The 50-year-old then broke into laughter before adding: “But she came back to me.”Not only did she come back, she built a family with him. The couple now have two adopted children.

While lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) families often face discrimination in Cambodia, many couples with a transgender man manage to adopt children – either formally or informally – despite legal obstacles.

Legal recognition of their right to marry, and therefore adopt, is in many ways in the hands of commune and district authorities, a system that allows for flexibility, though it also leaves LGBT rights largely up in the air.

Once able to adopt, however, LGBT couples seem to experience a marked improvement in the support of families and communities for them, according to research released last year by the Cambodian Center for Human Rights.

Ny and his wife, Pel Nhork, met as teenagers while the Khmer Rouge were in power. They were friends at first, he said, and only got into a relationship a few years after the murderous regime ended.

“At the time, a village required people to help with the water reservoir, so we worked together and shared food. We cared for each other,” he said.

By 1984, the couple were ready to move in together but their family didn’t approve, not wanting their daughter with “a woman who acts like a man”. If Ny wanted to stay at Nhork’s house past midnight, his father-in-law would try to kick him out. “Her father prepared a knife. He just wanted to scare me, but I wasn’t scared,” he said with a laugh. Today, the family lives next door.

Researcher Kasumi Nakagawa says couples with one person identifying as a transgendered man are not uncommon, but acceptance in communities differs widely across the country.

“Some communities have high acceptance to such a family, and authority also grant family book to them, whilst some communities are more resistant to such union,” she said in an email. In order to get a family book as husband and wife, one member of a couple must have a male identification card. Lenient commune chiefs, either out of sympathy or ignorance, sometimes grant such cards to transgender men though they are not legally supposed to do so.

The differing levels of acceptance are apparent in talking to 49-year-old farmer Sreypich*, who lives in Tbong Khmum province. She said she had fallen in love with a transgender man when she was 16, but the community did not approve.

“They discriminate against us. They call my husband a ‘khteuy’,” she said, using a pejorative word for a gay person. “I like him because he is a very helpful man, and he gives me food to eat and help at work.”

She added that while she didn’t mind that people speak badly about her husband, he was embarrassed of not being accepted as a man in the community.

In more extreme cases, Nakagawa said, families punish transgendered men with forced marriage.In spite of disapproving of her partner, Nhork’s family in Takeo province never forced her to marry another, and things improved when the family saw that Ny was hard-working.

“After some time, they accepted me. In the beginning, they hated me and tried to separate us, but then they saw that I work hard and am a breadwinner,” Ny said with pride.

A major part of their acceptance lies in them having a family structure with kids.

“They stopped hating us because they saw the family making progress,” he said, adding that his wife’s family now even helped them take care of the child.

“I wanted to adopt a kid because I thought when I get older, when I fall sick, they could take care of me. “

In Tbong Khmum, Sreypich and her husband also adopted children because she hoped they could take care of them when they got old. “I love them like my biological children, so now we’ve become like other families,” she said.

Adopted son Heng Neurn points at a family photograph that was taken during a trip to Kampot together with his mother and father when he was a child. Hong Menea

About 88 percent of respondents in a CCHR survey indicated that having a child was important to them. But throughout the legal code, there are impediments to them leading normal lives. According to the law, only a man and woman can legally get married, and no provisions for same-sex marriage exist. Adoption, in turn, is only formally available for married couples.

And because there is no law allowing for a formal change in gender identification, couples including a transgender partner are viewed as same sex, meaning they cannot get married or adopt children.

Full adoption rights, the report by CCHR finds, was perceived by almost 70 percent of respondents as being very important to decrease discrimination, as the law could protect and support them.

While Nhork and Ny’s family became more accepting once they adopted children, Sreypich’s experience differed.Initially, her parents disapproved of her relationship, saying they would have “no future, no children together”.

But even when they adopted three children – now 9, 14 and 18 years old – acceptance didn’t improve much.

“They asked us mockingly why we would need to raise the three children – why not keep the money,” she said.

Sreypich worries her children would not be happy if they found out her husband was biologically female. They are unaware because although her husband never underwent surgery, his breasts are flat and he could easily hide the sex assigned to him at birth.

Back in Takeo province, Nhork had a less practical reason for wanting to adopt children. “When I saw other families have children, I felt a lack,” she said. Her first adopted child passed away at 7 months old, likely from malnutrition at a time when infant formula was impossible to find. “We could only bring her porridge,” she said. Since then, the couple have adopted two more children, who are now 24 and 2 years old, whom she says she loves “as if they are my own”.

Though they never had a traditional wedding or signed a marriage certificate, their family book lists them as husband and wife, and the commune and district authorities signed their adoption certificate.

According to the CCHR report, just over one in every five surveyed cohabiting “rainbow couple” had a family book.

For Ny, this was possible because authorities had noted Ny as “male” in his identity card. “They saw the way I am, so they made it a ‘he’,” Ny said.

Because of that concession, they are among about 39 percent of respondents who are listed as husband and wife in their family book, while almost 22 percent had been listed as siblings. The rest were listed as consisting of one partner as head of the family, or with the relationship not classified.

Men Vanna, Trapaing Sap commune chief, yesterday said he only took up his position last year and therefore hadn’t issued the family book to Ny and Nhork. He said he wouldn’t know what to do if a transgender couple wanted to get registered in a family book.

“I just don’t know how to do it, how to write it for them, because usually a family book is for couples with a husband, wife and children,” he said.

LGBT activist Srun Srorn said in Cambodia lax law enforcement made it possible for rainbow families to adopt children. In some cases, such as with Ny and Nhork’s infant child, LGBT couples adopt from siblings.

“Some of them have seven to eight children, grandchildren and few have great-grandchildren,” he said. “In Cambodia, law is not in practice, and anyone can adopt children based on their negotiation with the blood parents or family.”

While lenient commune chiefs in practice make adoptions by LGBT couples possible – with 70 percent of surveyed couples with family books having adopted children – Srorn said a lack of legal protection was one of the greatest challenges for them.

There is little recourse for families unable to persuade local authorities to bend the rules. In the absence of a same-sex marriage law, the CCHR authors argue, a gender recognition law would help to simplify the adoption process.

For Ny and Nhork’s son, Heng, his status as the adopted child of a “rainbow couple” has not always been easy, but he knows his parents love him like their biological child. Some of his friends question his father’s appearance and identity, and he was teased by children about not living with his biological parents. But he said he didn’t mind.

“I knew that they loved me, so I felt nothing,” he said.

While Nhork and Ny say they hadn’t experienced strong discrimination from their communities, things are likely much harder for gay couples and transgender women, said researcher Nakagawa.

In conducting research, she has never encountered gay couples who had adopted children, which she attributes in large part to the fact that many are not open in their sexuality, though she notes that levels of discrimination do seem to be improving.

“We found out that a strong and rigid social norm exist in regard to masculinities in Cambodia: that they should never be feminine,” she said by email.

“This society is manifested with patriarchy and its social norms, so there is a strict resistance for men who are trying or must be out of the male-box.

However, for females, unless she is not breaking social norms such as having multiple partners, acceptance for her sexuality to be in a same-sex union is rather high.”

Name changed to protect the source’s identity

Relatives of RFA journos questioned

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Former RFA reporters Oun Chhin and Yeang Sothearin appear at the Appeal Court in December, where their bail application was denied. Kim Sarom

Ananth Baliga | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 10:42 ICT

The defence lawyer for two former Radio Free Asia reporters detained for alleged “espionage” said yesterday that the court had questioned their relatives as witnesses to prove their innocence.

Yeang Sothearin and Oun Chhin were arrested in November on suspicion of sending news stories to the US-funded broadcaster following its closure during a crackdown on independent media outlets. They were charged with providing “a foreign state with information which undermines national defence”.

The duo’s lawyer, Keo Vanny, said he interviewed Sothearin’s wife and children on January 23. He had put in a request to interview three members of Chhin’s family as well, who were expected to appear on the same day but were unable to go to court.

Vanny said he would present five witnesses to show that the former reporters were not guilty of espionage.

The duo were arrested for allegedly setting up a recording studio to provide RFA with local news stories, after the State-Department funded broadcaster shut down its in-country operations following a protracted dispute with the government.

"កម្ពុជា​កំពុង​ដឹកនាំ​ទៅ​រក​របប​យោធា​ផ្ដាច់ការ​និយាម​និង​គ្រួសារ​និយម"

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លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន (ឆ្វេង) និង​កូន​ប្រុស​របស់​លោក គឺ​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ក្នុង​ពិធី​មួយ​នា​ការដ្ឋាន​កងទ័ព​ជើង​គោក​នៃ​កង​យោធពល​ខេមរភូមិន្ទ។ រូបឯកសារ AFP

ដោយ តាំង សារ៉ាដា RFA 2018-01-25

អ្នកឃ្លាំមើល​សង្គម​អះអាង​ថា លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដឹកនាំ​កម្ពុជា បច្ចុប្បន្ន​គឺ​ជា​ការ​ដឹកនាំ​បែប​យោធា​និយម ផ្ដាច់ការ និង​ជា​ការ​ដឹកនាំ​មួយ​ដែល​ក្រុម​យោធា​ព្យាយាម​ដំឡើង​បុណ្យ​សក្ដិ​ទាយាទ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ឲ្យ​ស្នង​តំណែង​បន្ត ដើម្បី​ការពារ​អំណាច​ទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិ និង​ផលប្រយោជន៍​ផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន​របស់​ពួកគេ។ ប៉ុន្តែ​មន្ត្រី​ជាន់​ខ្ពស់​របស់​គណបក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​បដិសេធ​ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​នេះ។

​ក្រុម​អ្នក​វិភាគ​វាយ​តម្លៃ​ថា កម្ពុជា​កំពុង​បោះ​ជំហាន​ដ៏​ធំ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​រក​វណ្ណៈ​យោធា​ផ្ដាច់ការ​និយម​មួយ​ដែល​កំពុង​ចាក់​ឫស​ជ្រៅ​ទៅ​ក្នុង​ស្រទាប់​សង្គម​ដ៏​ស្មុគស្មាញ​ញាំញី​ទៅ​ដោយ​គ្រួសារ​និយម បក្ខពួក​និយម ក្នុង​បុព្វហេតុ​ការពារ​អំណាច ទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិ និង​ការ​ក្ដោបក្ដាប់​សេដ្ឋកិច្ច​របស់​ប្រទេស​ទាំង​មូល។

​អ្នក​វិភាគ​ឯករាជ្យ​លោក​បណ្ឌិត ឡៅ ម៉ុងហៃ ថ្លែង​ថា ក្រុម​យោធា​ជាតិ​បាន​ចាប់​ផ្ដើម​រំលោភ​ភារកិច្ច​របស់​ក្រសួង​មហាផ្ទៃ ដូចជា​ករណី​រៀបចំ​សណ្ដាប់​សាធារណៈ​ជា​ជាង​កិច្ចការ​ព្រំដែន និង​បាន​ចាប់​ផ្ដើម​ចេញ​មុខ​ស៊ើបអង្កេត​ក្នុង​ហេតុផល​ប្រឆាំង​នឹង​បដិវត្តន៍​ពណ៌។ នៅ​ស្រប​គ្នា​នេះ ដឹកនាំ​យោធា​ក៏​បាន​ចាប់​ផ្ដើម​ប្រញាប់ប្រញាល់​តែងតាំង​ទាយាទ និង​សាច់ញាតិ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ជា​បន្តបន្ទាប់​ដែរ៖ «របប​យោធា​នេះ​មិន​មែន​មាន​ទម្រង់​តែ​របប​យោធា​ធម្មតា​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​វា​ជា​របប​យោធា​ត​ពូជ។ គឺ​ក្នុង​គ្រួសារ​មួយ​ចេះ​តែ​ត​គ្នា​អ៊ីចឹង​ទៅ»។

​ការ​តែងតាំង​ក្រុម​ទាយាទ​របស់​មន្ត្រី​យោធា​ជាន់ខ្ពស់ ធ្វើ​ឡើង​រាប់​ចាប់​តាំង​ពី​កូនៗ​របស់​លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន រហូត​ដល់​មន្ត្រី​យោធា​គ្រាក់ៗ​មួយ​ចំនួន​ទៀត។

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​តែងតាំង​កូនប្រុស​ច្បង​របស់​លោក គឺ​លោក ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត ឲ្យ​មាន​តួនាទី​ជា​ច្រើន​នៅ​ក្នុង​ជួរ​កងទ័ព ក្នុង​នោះ​តែងតាំង​ទៅ​ជា​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍ឯក​ផ្កាយ​មាស​៣ កាន់​តំណែង​ជា​អគ្គ​មេបញ្ជាការ​រង​កង​ទ័ព​ជើង​គោក ជា​មេបញ្ជាការ​រង​កង​អង្គរក្ស ជា​មេបញ្ជាការ​កម្លាំង​ពិសេស​ប្រឆាំង​ភេរវកម្ម និង​ជា​នាយ​រង​សេនាធិការ​ចម្រុះ​នៃ​កង​យោធពល​ខេមរភូមិន្ទ។

​បន្ទាប់​មក នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​តែងតាំង​កូនប្រុស​ទី​ពីរ​របស់​លោក គឺ​លោក​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍​ទោ ហ៊ុន ម៉ានិត ឲ្យ​ធ្វើ​ជា​ប្រធាន​នាយដ្ឋាន​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ខាង​ផ្នែក​ចារកិច្ច។ ក្រោយ​មក​ទៀត នៅ​ខែ​ចុង​ខែ​ធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​តែងតាំង​ក្មួយ​ប្រុស​បង្កើត​របស់​លោក គឺ​លោក ហ៊ុន ជា ពី​ឋានន្តរសក្ដិ​ជា​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍ទោ ទៅ​ជា​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍ឯក​ផ្កាយ​មាស​បី នៃ​ក្រសួង​ការពារ​ជាតិ។ ក្នុង​រយៈពេល​មិន​ដល់​មួយ​ខែ​ផង គឺ​នៅ​ពាក់​កណ្ដាល​ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨ លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បាន​តែងតាំង​កូនប្រសា​របស់​លោក គឺ​លោក ឌី វិជ្ជា ឱ្យ​ធ្វើ​ជា​អគ្គស្នងការ​រង​នគរបាល​ជាតិ។

​នេះ​នៅ​មិន​ទាន់​គិត​ដល់​កូន​មន្ត្រី​សមត្ថកិច្ច​កំពូលៗ​ជា​ច្រើន​ផ្សេង​ទៀត ដូចជា​កូនប្រុស​ពីរ​នាក់​របស់​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី​ក្រសួង​មហាផ្ទៃ លោក ស ខេង គឺ​លោក ស សុខា និង ស រដ្ឋា ត្រូវ​បាន​តែងតាំង​ពី​ថ្នាក់​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍​ត្រី ផ្កាយ​មាស​មួយ ទៅ​ជា​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍​ទោ ផ្កាយ​មាស​ពីរ។ លោក ស សុខា ក្រៅ​ពី​មាន​តួនាទី​ជា​សមាជិក​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​កណ្ដាល​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា លោក​ក៏​មាន​តួនាទី​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​មណ្ឌល​ខេត្ត​ព្រៃវែង។

​រី​ឯ​កូន​ប្រុស​របស់​លោក ទៀ បាញ់ ឈ្មោះ ទៀ សីហា វិញ​ក៏​មាន​ឋានន្តរសក្ដិ​មិន​តូច​នោះ​ដែរ។ លោក ទៀ សីហា ក្រៅ​ពី​មាន​តួនាទី​ជា​ឧត្ដមសេនីយ៍​ទោ ពាក់​ផ្កាយ​មាស​ពីរ ខាង​ផ្នែក​យោធា​ហើយ​នោះ លោក​ក៏​ត្រូវ​បាន​តែងតាំង​ជា​អភិបាលរង​ខេត្ត​សៀមរាប ថែម​ទៀត។

​រី​ឯ​មន្ត្រី​យោធា​តស៊ូ​ការពារ​នៅ​តាម​ព្រំដែន​វិញ ដែល​គ្មាន​សែ​រយៈ​ធំៗ កម្រ​ឃើញ​មាន​ការ​តែងតាំង​ឲ្យ​ឡើង​តួនាទី ឋានៈ បាន​ខ្ពង់ខ្ពស់​ដូច​កូន​មន្ត្រី​ធំៗ​បែប​នេះ​ណាស់។ កងកម្លាំង​យោធា​ខ្លះ​ទៀត បាន​ពលី​ជីវិត​នៅ​ក្នុង​សមរភូមិ បន្សល់​ទុក​នូវ​ប្រពន្ធ​កូន​ក្រលំបាក តោកយ៉ាក​ក៏​មាន។ យោធា​ខ្លះ​រង​គ្រោះ​ពិការ​ដៃ ដាច់​ជើង ហើយ​ធ្លាក់​ខ្លួន​ជា​អ្នក​សុំទាន​ដើម្បី​ចិញ្ចឹម​ក្រពះ​ប្រចាំថ្ងៃ​ថែម​ទៀត។

​អ្នក​វិភាគ​នយោបាយ​បណ្ឌិត ឡៅ ម៉ុងហៃ កត់សម្គាល់​ថា ការ​តែងតាំង​មុខ​តំណែង​មន្ត្រី​ជាន់​ខ្ពស់​ក្នុង​ក្របខ័ណ្ឌ​សន្តិសុខ​ជាតិ និង​វិស័យ​ការពារ​ជាតិ​នៅ​កម្ពុជា បច្ចុប្បន្ន ធ្វើ​ឡើង​តាម​រយៈ​សាច់​សាលោហិត និង​បក្ខពួក​និយម ច្រើន​ជាង​គុណបំណាច់ និង​សមត្ថភាព​ជាក់ស្ដែង​របស់​យោធា​មួយ​ចំនួន​ធំ​ទៀត ដែល​ខំ​តស៊ូ​បម្រើ​ជាតិ​រាប់​សិប​ឆ្នាំ​មក​នោះ។ លោក​ថា ការ​ធ្វើ​បែប​នេះ​ជា​សញ្ញា​បង្ហាញ​ថា កម្ពុជា​កំពុង​ក្លាយ​ជា​ប្រទេស​ដែល​ផ្ដាច់ការ​យោធា​និយម និង​គ្រួសារ​និយម។

​ចំណែក​ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​សម្ព័ន្ធ​គណនេយ្យភាព​សង្គម​កម្ពុជា លោក សន ជ័យ ធ្លាប់​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា ដើម្បី​ដោះស្រាយ​បញ្ហា​គ្រួសារ​និយម និង​បក្ខពួក​និយម កម្ពុជា​គួរ​មាន​ច្បាប់​មួយ​ស្ដីពី​ទំនាស់​ផលប្រយោជន៍ ដែល​ត្រូវ​ចែង​ឱ្យ​បាន​ច្បាស់​អំពី​ការ​តែងតាំង​មុខ​តំណែង និង​តួនាទី​របស់​កូនចៅ និង​សាច់សាលោហិត​របស់​មេដឹកនាំ​ទាំង​នោះ។

លោក សន ជ័យ៖ «ប្រសិនបើ​មាន​មន្ត្រី​ផ្សេងៗ​ដែល​បាន​បំពេញ​ការងារ​យូរ​មក​ហើយ ជាពិសេស​មន្ត្រី​ដែល​មាន​វ័យ​ចំណាស់​ដែល​ពួកគាត់​មិន​បាន​ឡើង​បុណ្យ​សក្ដិ តែ​អ្នក​ផ្សេង​ដែល​មាន​ជាប់​សែស្រឡាយ​របស់​ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំ​បែរ​ជា​បាន​ឡើង​បុណ្យ​សក្ដិ នោះ​ហើយ​គឺ​ជា​ការ​ឈាន​ទៅ​រក​គ្រួសារ​និយម។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ​ពេល​វេលា​នៃ​ការ​ឡើង​បុណ្យ​សក្ដិ​នេះ មិន​មែន​កើត​ឡើង​ចំពោះ​តែ​ក្រុម​គ្រួសារ​លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ហ្នឹង​តែមួយ​នោះ​ទេ វា​ក៏​មាន​ការ​ដំឡើង​ឋានៈ​ដល់​មន្ត្រី​ផ្សេងៗ​ទៀត​នៅ​ក្នុង​ជួរ​កងកម្លាំង​ប្រដាប់​អាវុធ​ហ្នឹង​ដែរ។ បើ​យើង​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​ច្បាប់​ស្ដីពី​ទំនាស់​ផលប្រយោជន៍ និង​មាន​ការ​ចែង​ឱ្យ​ច្បាស់​ពី​ទំនាស់​ផលប្រយោជន៍​នេះ​ទេ ខ្ញុំ​គិត​ថា សង្គម​កម្ពុជា យើង​នឹង​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​មើល​ឃើញ​របៀប​នេះ​ត​ទៅ​ទៀត»។

​អ្នកនាំពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា លោក សុខ ឥសាន បាន​ចោល​ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​ទាំង​ឡាយ​ដែល​ថា កម្ពុជា​ជា​ប្រទេស​កំពុង​មាន​ការ​ដឹកនាំ​បែប​យោធា​ផ្ដាច់ការ​និយម និង​គ្រួសារ​និយម​នោះ។ លោក​អះអាង​ថា ការ​តែង​តាំង​មុខ​តំណែង​កូនៗ​របស់​ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា អោយ​មាន​តំណែង​ខ្ពស់​នោះ គឺ​ជា​ការ​សក្ដិសម​បំផុត​ដោយសារ​ពួកគេ​មាន​សមត្ថភាព​ពិត​ប្រាកដ។

​មន្ត្រី​នាំ​ពាក្យ​គណបក្ស​កាន់​អំណាច​រូប​នេះ​អះអាង​ថា ប្រសិនបើ​កម្ពុជា កាន់​អំណាច​ផ្ដាច់ការ​មែន​នោះ អំណាច​របស់​លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន មិន​បាន​ស្ថិតស្ថេរ​រហូត​មក​ដល់​សព្វថ្ងៃ​នេះ​ឡើយ៖ «ប្រសិនបើ​របប​យោធា​និយម​មែន វា​អត់​ស្ថិតស្ថេរ​រហូត​ដល់ ៣០ ៤០​ឆ្នាំ​អ៊ីចឹង​ទេ»។

​ទោះជា​យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ មន្ត្រី​ជាន់​ខ្ពស់​របស់​អង្គការ​ឃ្លាំមើល​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស​អន្តរជាតិ បាន​ស្នើ​អោយ​លោក សុខ ឥសាន គួរ​តែ​ផ្លាស់​ទៅ​រស់​នៅ​ពិភព​ព្រះ​អង្គារ​វិញ​ទៅ​ប្រសើរ​ជាង ប្រសិន​មន្ត្រី​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា រូប​នេះ មើល​មិន​ឃើញ​ថា ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា កំពុង​តែ​រំលោភ​អំណាច រំលោភ​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស និង​បំផ្លាញ​លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​ទេ​នោះ។

​នាយក​ប្រតិបត្តិ​ទទួល​បន្ទុក​កិច្ចការ​តំបន់​អាស៊ី​របស់​អង្គការ​ឃ្លាំមើល​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​អន្តរជាតិ យូមែន រ៉ៃត៍ វ៉ច្ឆ (Human Rights Watch) លោក ប្រ៊ែដ អាដាម (Brad Adams) បាន​ប្រាប់​អាស៊ីសេរី តាម​ទូរស័ព្ទ​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៥ ខែ​មករា ថា ប្រទេស​ដែល​កាន់​របប​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​គឺ​គ្មាន​ការ​រំលាយ​គណបក្ស​ប្រឆាំង គ្មាន​ចាប់​ខ្លួន​មេដឹកនាំ​បក្ស​ប្រឆាំង គ្មាន​ការ​បិទ​ស្ថាប័ន​សា​ព័ត៌មាន​ឯករាជ្យ គ្មាន​ការ​ចាប់​ខ្លួន​អ្នក​កាសែត និង​គ្មាន​ការ​ហាម​អ្នក​នយោបាយ​មិន​ឲ្យ​ធ្វើ​នយោបាយ​នោះ​ឡើយ៖ «ប្រទេស​ដែល​ប្រកាន់​លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ គេ​មាន​តុលាការ​ឯករាជ្យ គេ​មាន​បណ្ដាញ​សា​ព័ត៌មាន​ឯករាជ្យ គេ​មាន​នគរបាល ប្រព័ន្ធ​យុត្តិធម៌ និង​យោធា​ដែល​មាន​វិជ្ជាជីវៈ។ ជាង​នេះ​ទៅ​ទៀត ប្រទេស​ដែល​ប្រកាន់​លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​គឺ​មាន​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ដោយ​សេរី ត្រឹមត្រូវ និង​យុត្តិធម៌ ដោយ​គ្មាន​ការ​ប្រើ​អំពើ​ហិង្សា ការ​គំរាមកំហែង និង ការ​បំភិតបំភ័យ។ ជន​ណា​ដែល​និយាយ​ថា កម្ពុជា​ជា​ប្រទេស​ប្រកាន់​របប​លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ជន​នោះ​កំពុង​កុហក​ខ្លួន​ឯង និង​កុហក​ដល់​មហាជន​ទូទៅ។ ម្យ៉ាង​ទៀត​ដោយសារ​ជន​នោះ​បាន​ទទួល​ប្រាក់​ខែ​ពី​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បើ​មិន​អ៊ីចឹង​ទេ ក៏​ជន​នោះ​មិន​និយាយ​សម្ដី​បែប​ឆ្កួតលីលា​ដូច្នេះ​ទេ»។

​ក្រុម​អ្នក​វិភាគ​និយាយ​ថា មេដឹកនាំ​ផ្ដាច់ការ​ជា​ច្រើន​នៅ​លើ​ពិភពលោក បាន​ប្រើ​វិធី​ស្រដៀង​គ្នា​ទៅ​នឹង​មេដឹកនាំ​នៃ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា​ដែរ ក្នុង​ការ​តែងតាំង​កូនៗ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ឲ្យ​មាន​តួនាទី​ធំៗ​នៅ​ក្នុង​ជួរ​កងទ័ព ជាពិសេស លោក សាអាឌី កាដាហ្វី (Saadi Gaddafi) កូនប្រុស​របស់​លោក មូអាមើ ហ្កាដាហ្វី (Muammar Gaddafi)  អតីត​មេដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស​លីប៊ី (Libya) ធ្លាប់​ត្រូវ​បាន​ឪពុក​របស់​លោក​តែងតាំង​ជា​មេបញ្ជាការ​នៃ​កងកម្លាំង​ពិសេស​របស់​ប្រទេស​លីប៊ី កាល​ពេល​លោក​នៅ​មាន​អំណាច។

​ក្រោយ​មក លោក សាអាឌី ត្រូវ​បាន​កាត់ទោស​ប្រហារ​ជីវិត​ពី​បទ​ឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្ម​ទៅ​លើ​ប្រជាជន​លីប៊ី។ រី​ឯ​អតីត​មេដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស​អ៊ីរ៉ាក់ (Iraq) លោក សាដាម ហ៊ូសេន (Saddam Hussein) ក៏​ធ្លាប់​តែងតាំង​កូនប្រុស​របស់​លោក​មួយ​ចំនួន​អោយ​មាន​តំណែង​កំពូល​ក្នុង​ជួរ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​របស់​លោក​ដែរ ដូចជា​លោក អ៊ូដា ហ៊ូសេន (Uday Hussein) ត្រូវ​បាន​តែងតាំង​ជា​អគ្គ​មេបញ្ជាការ​ដែល​មាន​អំណាច​លើ​កម្លាំង​ប៉ូលិស យោធា និង​ស្ថាប័ន​មួយ​ចំនួន​របស់​រដ្ឋាភិបាល។ កូន​ប្រុស​របស់​លោក សាដាម ហ៊ូសេន ម្នាក់​ទៀត​ឈ្មោះ ឃូស៊យ ហ៊ូសេន (Qusay Hussein) ក៏​ត្រូវ​បាន​លោក សាដាម ហ៊ូសេន  តែងតាំង​ជា​បញ្ជាការ​កំពូល​ខាង​ផ្នែក​កងទ័ពជើងទឹក និង​ជើង​អាកាស​ថែម​ទៀត។

​ទោះ​អ្នក​វិភាគ​លើក​ឡើង​ថា ទោះ​បី​ជា​លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដឹកនាំ​ប្រទេស​ដោយ​ប្រើ​វិធីសាស្ត្រ​ផ្ដាច់ការ និង​តែងតាំង​កូនចៅ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ឲ្យ​កាន់​មុខ​តំណែង​នៅ​ក្នុង​ជូរ​កងទ័ព​យ៉ាង​ច្រើន​ស្អេកស្កះ​ដូច្នេះ​ក្តី ប៉ុន្តែ​បរិបទ​ពិភពលោក​បច្ចុប្បន្ន ប្រទេស​ដែល​ដឹកនាំ​បែប​ផ្ដាច់ការ​នេះ មិន​បាន​ស្ថិតស្ថេរ​យូរ​អង្វែង​នោះ​ឡើយ ជាក់ស្ដែង​អំណាច​ផ្ដាច់ការ​នៅ​តាម​បណ្ដា​ប្រទេស​ក្នុង​តំបន់​មជ្ឈិមបូព៌ា​កំពុង​ដួល​រលំ​ជា​បន្តបន្ទាប់៕

GDP to focus on government efficiency

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GDP board members meet earlier this month to prepare for July’s election. Yesterday they released part of their party platform that includes consolidating ministries. Photo supplied

Ben Sokhean | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 10:37 ICT

The Grassroots Democracy Party yesterday suggested taking a pin to Cambodia’s inflated bureaucracy, saying it would campaign on a proposal to reduce the number of ministries from 23 to just 15 in order to improve efficiency and cut wasteful spending.

This year’s parliamentary election will be the small GDP’s first on the national stage, but the dissolution of the country’s largest opposition, the Cambodia National Rescue Party, has boosted its profile – as has the fact that it was co-founded by Kem Ley, the revered political analyst who was assassinated in 2016.

The proposal to slash ministries was made at a policy meeting on Wednesday, and publicised yesterday by GDP Secretary-General Sam Inn, who said the move would also help to decentralise powers, long a government priority, but one in which progress has lagged.

“Some major tasks are related to each other, and when we have many ministries in charge like that, it is difficult to cooperate,” Inn said.

He pointed to the example of the Ministry of Environment and the Ministry of Agriculture, which both aim to protect natural resources and can grant economic land concessions.

“They are under two different ministries, which makes facilitation, assignments and processes not run well,” Inn said.

The GDP proposed consolidating the ministries of information, tourism, and cult and religion into one. The ministries of environment, agriculture, rural development and water resources would also be combined. The ministries of economy and finance, commerce and industry, would also become one.

“We do not need to separate into four ministries to work. We can see that ministries of agriculture and water resources are strongly connected. Why do we need to separate them into many ministries?” he asked.

Sao Sopheap, spokesman for the Ministry of Environment, said it was GDP’s right to develop policies, but said government structure is based on “effectiveness” and “social interests”.

“The government will consider whether the mechanism or the management structure of the state is effective . . . He is not the government,” Sopheap said.

Political analyst Meas Nee, however, said the bloated central government exists largely to “give the jobs to political party officials rather than to make it more effective”.

He declined to weigh in on GDP’s specific proposals, but said he supported the reduction of ministries in principle.Nee pointed out the ministries often “overlap” and squabble amongst themselves, adding that the ministries of rural development and transportation, for instance, both have authority to develop roads.

Sok Eysan, spokesman for the ruling Cambodia People’s Party, said the proliferation of ministries was reflective of the “development of the country”.

“The functions and tasks of the ministry keep increasing, so it needs to separate the different responsibilities . . . If there was no progress then it would not be needed to create those,” he said.

“If the people support them, the people can vote for them. If the people do not agree, people will not vote for them. They will vote for the party that they trust,” he added.

Additional reporting by Andrew Nachemson


Funcinpec official looks to have members fired

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Funcinpec leader Prince Norodom Ranariddh and his party members leave the Royal Palace after they were sworn-in to the National Assembly in December in Phnom Penh. They were handed the seats following the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. Pha Lina

Mech Dara | The Phnom Penh Post
Publication date 26 January 2018 | 10:35 ICT

A high-ranking Funcinpec official has published a petition calling for the dismissal of two prominent party members, accusing the pair of nepotism.

Seng Haksrun, deputy secretary-general and adviser to party President Prince Norodom Ranariddh, wrote the complaint against Por Bun Sreu, deputy party president, and Secretary-General Yim Savy.

Both Bun Sreu and Savy are also members of a five-man committee in charge of selecting Senate candidates.

“Those two leaders are damaging the reputation of the King Father [Norodom Sihanouk] . . . The two members betrayed the people, members and local activists,” the petition reads, going on to claim the pair engaged in nepotism when firing and hiring members of local committees. The petition called for both men to be fired.

The document obtained by The Post yesterday featured no signatures, but Haksrun claimed 60 percent of the local working groups had signed it.

“I do not do it unilaterally,” he said this morning. “They fired other people and nominated new people,” Haksrun continued, also accusing the pair of threatening to replace Ranariddh with the former party president, the now-jailed Nhek Bun Chhay.

Savy said he was unaware of the petition, but said it was contrary to internal party law.

“Every party has conditions and law . . . so action needs to comply with the law, and what is against the rules is illegal . . . No one is permitted to do so, but he did,” he said.

Asked if he had engaged in nepotism when awarding positions, Savy said he always adhered to party “procedures”.

Party spokesman Nheb Bun Chhin, meanwhile, denied that Haksrun’s petition had gained any ground. Asked whether Haksrun was upset about being passed over for any positions himself, Bun Chhin said only that Haksrun was “jealous”.

Funcinpec won the country’s first democratic elections in 1993, but was ousted in bloody fighting by the Cambodian People’s Party in 1997. The two parties entered into a coalition soon after, with Funcinpec gradually sliding into irrelevance. It was thrust back into prominence by last year’s dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party, when it was tapped to take over 41 of the CNRP’s vacated seats in parliament.

Speaking of the apparent divisions within the group, Southeast Asia expert Dr Paul Chambers said the party “is so faction-riddled that it seems to stay afloat only to maintain the delusion that CPP is somehow leading a multi-party democracy”.

Additional reporting by Khuoch Masy and Andrew Nachemson

Dhamma talk by Maha Thera Dr. Hok Savann January 26, 2018

សុខ ឥសាន៖ មហិច្ឆតាចង់ចងកម្មចងពៀរ របស់អតីតមន្ត្រីបក្សប្រឆាំង CNRP នៅតែបន្ត

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សុក្រ, ២៦ មករា ២០១៨ 17:50 ដោយ: ដើមអម្ពិល

ភ្នំពេញ៖ លោក សុខ ឥសាន អ្នកនាំពាក្យគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា បានលើកឡើងថា មហិច្ឆតាចង់ចងកម្មចងពៀរនៅបន្ត ដែលន័យនេះ សំដៅទៅដល់ អតីតមន្ត្រីគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ (CNRP) ដែលកំពុងបន្តសកម្មភាព ស្វែងរកការអន្តរាគមន៍ពីសំណាក់បរទេស ក្នុងការទាមទារ ឲ្យដោះលែងអតីតមេបក្សប្រឆាំង លោក កឹម សុខា ។

ថ្លែងក្នុងបណ្តាញផ្ញើសារ តេឡេក្រាម នៅថ្ងៃទី២៦ ខែមករា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨នេះ លោក សុខ ឥសាន បានលើកឡើងថា "ថ្មីៗនេះ ព្ញថាមានសមាជិព្រឹទ្ធសភា អាមេរិក ២-៣ នាក់បានលើកសំណើរ ឲ្យតំណាងអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍ប្រចាំ អសប(អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ) ឲ្យបន្តដាក់គំនាប មកលើរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា ដោយចោទថាផ្តាច់ការ ធ្វើទុកបុកម្នេញ លើគណបក្សប្រឆាំង"។

លោកបន្តថា "ប៉ុន្តែ បញ្ហានេះ មិនមែនជារឿងថ្មីទេ ។ កន្លងទៅ កូនស្រីកឹម សុខា ក៏ធ្លាប់បានទៅជួបប្រជុំ រួមជាមួយប៉ា ងួនទៀង ជាមួយតំណាង សរអា (សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក) អចិន្ត្រៃយ៍ អសប និង តំណាងអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍សហគមន៍អឺរ៉ុប ប្រចាំ អសប សុំឲ្យព្យួរអសនៈកម្ពុជានៅអសប ។ តែឥតប្រយោជន៍ រឿងនេះ ផ្ទុយទៅនឹងធម្មនុញ្ញអសប ដែលមិនឲ្យជ្រៀតជ្រែក ចូលកិច្ចការផ្ទៃក្នុង បណ្តាប្រទេសជាសមាជិកអសប"។

លោកបានលើកឡើងបន្ថែមថា "ដូច្នេះ ឥឡូវជារឿងដដែល មិនមានឥទ្ធិពលអ្វី ប៉ះពាល់ដល់ឯករាជ្យ អធិបតេយ្យ និង បូរណភាពទឹកដី កម្ពុជាឡើយ ៕

ពលរដ្ឋ​បុរីកីឡា​ខ្វែង​គំនិត​គ្នា​រឿង​ទទួល​សំណង

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តំណាង​ពលរដ្ឋ​បុរីកីឡា លោកស្រី ស ស៊ន ផ្ដល់​បទសម្ភាសន៍​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧។ Photo: RFA

ដោយ សន ចាន់រដ្ឋា RFA 2018-01-26

ជនរងគ្រោះ​ដីធ្លី​នៅ​បុរីកីឡា មាន​ការ​មិន​យល់​ស្រប​គ្នា​ក្នុង​ការ​ទទួល​យក​សំណង។ ពលរដ្ឋ​ខ្លះ​មិន​យល់​ព្រម​ទទួល​សំណង​ដែល​ផ្ដល់​ដោយ​សាលាក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ឡើយ​ទេ និង​មាន​អ្នកខ្លះ​យល់​ព្រម។ មន្ត្រី​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​ដែល​តាមដាន​ដំណើរ​រឿង​នេះ ស្នើ​ឲ្យ​សាលាក្រុង​បន្ត​សម្របសម្រួល​បន្ថែម​ទៀត​ដើម្បី​ដោះស្រាយ​ជូន​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដោយ​តម្លាភាព ទើប​វិបត្តិ​ដីធ្លី​នៅ​តំបន់​នោះ​អាច​បញ្ចប់​បាន។

ក្រុម​ពលរដ្ឋ​បុរីកីឡា​ដែល​មិន​ទាន់​ព្រម​ទទួល​យក​សំណង​និយាយ​ថា ថវិកា​ដែល​សាលាក្រុង​ផ្តល់​ឲ្យ​ពេល​នេះ​មិន​អាច​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ឲ្យ​ពួកគេ​ទិញ​ផ្ទះ​រស់​នៅ​បាន​សមរម្យ​ទេ។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដែល​ទទួល​យក​លុយ​របស់​សាលាក្រុង​យល់​ថា បើ​យក​លុយ​ទិញ​ផ្ទះ ឬ​ទិញ​បន្ទប់​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ​ជា​រឿង​ល្អ ព្រោះ​មុន​បោះ​ឆ្នោត ដី ផ្ទះ និង​បន្ទប់​ស្នាក់​នៅ​មិន​សូវ​ឡើង​ថ្លៃ​ខ្ពស់​ដូច​បោះឆ្នោត​ហើយ​ឡើយ។

​គិត​មក​ដល់​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៧ ខែ​មករា ក្នុង​ចំណោម​ពលរដ្ឋ ១១​គ្រួសារ​ដែល​មាន​ឯកសារ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​គឺ​មាន​ពលរដ្ឋ​ពីរ​គ្រួសារ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ​ដែល​ព្រម​ទទួល​យក​សំណង។

​ពលរដ្ឋ​ទាំង​ពីរ​គ្រួសារ​ដែល​យល់ព្រម​ទទួល​សំណង​នោះ​មួយ​គ្រួសារ​យល់​ព្រម​ទទួល​លុយ​មួយ​ម៉ឺន​ប្រាំមួយ​ពាន់​ដុល្លារ (១៦.០០០​ដុល្លារ) រួច​ហើយ​ដើរ​ចេញ​ពី​ទី​នេះ។ មួយ​គ្រួសារ​ទៀត​ត្រូវ​សាលាក្រុង​ហៅ​ទទួល​សំណង​ស្ងាត់ៗ ដោយ​គ្មាន​អ្នក​ណា​ដឹង​ថា សាលាក្រុង​ផ្ដល់​ថវិកា​ប៉ុន្មាន ឬ​បាន​ផ្ទះ​នៅ​តំបន់​ណា​នោះ​ទេ។

​ពលរដ្ឋ​បុរីកីឡា​ដែល​យល់​ព្រម​យក​លុយ​មួយ​ម៉ឺន​ប្រាំមួយ​ពាន់​ដុល្លារ​ដើម្បី​បញ្ចប់​ជម្លោះ គឺ​លោកស្រី ង៉ូវ ណារី ឲ្យ​អាស៊ីសេរី ដឹង​ថា មូលហេតុ​ដែល​លោកស្រី​យល់​ព្រម​យក​លុយ ព្រោះ​ការ​ទាមទារ​រយៈពេល ៦​ឆ្នាំ​កន្លង​ទៅ​នេះ​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​លោកស្រី​ជំពាក់​លុយ​គេ​ច្រើន​ណាស់ ដូច្នេះ​លោកស្រី​យក​ចង់​លុយ​បាន​ពី​សំណង​នេះ​ទៅ​សង​គេ​ខ្លះ ហើយ​លុយ​នៅ​សល់​ពី​សង​គេ លោកស្រី​គ្រោង​យក​ទៅ​ទិញ​បន្ទប់​សម្រាប់​រស់​នៅ។ លោកស្រី​បន្ត​ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ទៀត​ថា លោកស្រី​ចង់​ទិញ​បន្ទប់​នៅ​តំបន់​បុរីកីឡា ឲ្យ​បាន​មុន​បោះឆ្នោត ព្រោះ​លោកស្រី​យល់​ថា តម្លៃ​បន្ទប់​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ​មិន​សូវ​ថ្លៃ​ប៉ុន្មាន​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​បើ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ហើយ​អាច​ថ្លៃ​ជាង​នេះ៖ «»។

​ទម្រាំ​មាន​ពលរដ្ឋ​ពីរ​គ្រួសារ​ក្នុង​ចំណោម ១១​គ្រួសារ ដែល​មាន​ឯកសារ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​យល់​ព្រម​ទទួល​យក​សំណង​នៅ​ពេល​នេះ សាលា​ខណ្ឌ​៧មករា តែង​កោះហៅ​ពលរដ្ឋ​ទៅ​ប្រជុំ​ដើម្បី​បង្ខំ​ឲ្យ​ពួកគេ​យល់​ព្រម​ទទួល​យក​សំណង។ លោកស្រី ង៉ូវ ណារី ប្រាប់​ទៀត​ថា អភិបាល​រង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ លោក មាន ចាន់យ៉ាដា តែងតែ​ប្រើ​ពាក្យ​អសុរោះ គំរាមកំហែង​ឲ្យ​ពលរដ្ឋ​យល់​ព្រម​ទទួល​សំណង​ដ៏​តិចតួច​របស់​សាលាក្រុង។

​ចំណែក​ពលរដ្ឋ​បុរីកីឡា ម្នាក់ទៀត​ដែល​មិន​ទាន់​យល់ព្រម​ទទួល​សំណង​របស់​សាលាក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ គឺ​លោកស្រី ស ស៊ន នៅ​តែ​រក្សា​ជំហរ​ទាមទារ​ប្រាក់​ពីរ​ម៉ឺន​ប្រាំ​ពាន់​ដុល្លារ (២៥.០០០) ឬ​ផ្ទះ​នៅ​បុរីកីឡា។ លោកស្រី ស ស៊ន យល់​ថា ការ​សម្រេច​ចិត្ត​របស់​ពល​បុរីកីឡា ផ្សេង​ទៀត​ដែល​យល់​ព្រម​ទទួល​យក​សំណង​ជា​សិទ្ធិ​របស់​គេ ប៉ុន្តែ​ចំពោះ​លោកស្រី​បើ​មិន​បាន​ដូច​ការ​ទាមទារ​លោកស្រី​មិន​ព្រម​ចាក​ចេញ​ទៅ​ណា​ទេ៖ «»។

​មនុស្ស​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​នៃ​សមាគម​អាដហុក (ADHOC) លោក យី សុខសាន្ដ មិន​ពេញ​ចិត្ត​ចំពោះ​ដំណោះស្រាយ​របស់​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ ពេល​នេះ​នៅ​ឡើយ​ទេ។ មន្ត្រី​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​រូប​នេះ​យល់​ថា សាលាក្រុង​គួរ​ជ្រើសរើស​យន្តការ​មួយ​ឲ្យ​ស្មើភាព​គ្នា​ក្នុង​ការ​ដោះស្រាយ មិន​មែន​ហៅ​ពលរដ្ឋ​ម្តង​មួយ​គ្រួសារៗ​ទៅ​យក​សំណង​ស្ងាត់ៗ​នោះ​ទេ។

​ចំណែក​អ្នក​សម្របសម្រួល​គម្រោង​ធុរកិច្ច និង​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​នៃ​មជ្ឈមណ្ឌល​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​កម្ពុជា លោក វណ្ណ សូផាត យល់​ថា ការ​ដោះស្រាយ​ម្ដង​មួយ​គ្រួសារៗ​របស់​សាលាក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ពេល​នេះ គឺ​ជា​យុទ្ធសាស្ត្រ​បំបែក​ពលរដ្ឋ។ លោក​យល់​ថា ដំណោះស្រាយ​បែបនេះ​នឹង​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​បញ្ហា​ដីធ្លី​មាន​ភាព​ស្មុគស្មាញ​ទៅ​ថ្ងៃ​មុខ៖ «»។

ការ​ដោះស្រាយ​ជម្លោះ​ដីធ្លី​តំបន់​បុរីកីឡា នៅ​ពេល​នេះ អភិបាល​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ បាន​ប្រគល់​ការងារ​នេះ​ឲ្យ​អភិបាល​ខណ្ឌ​៧​មករា លោក លឹម សុភា។

​ពលរដ្ឋ​បុរីកីឡា ពីរ​ក្រុម​ដែល​អាជ្ញាធរ​កំពុង​ផ្តល់​សំណង​គឺ​ក្រុម​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដែល​គ្មាន​ឯកសារ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ចំនួន ៣២​គ្រួសារ និង​ក្រុម​ពលរដ្ឋ​មាន​ឯកសារ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ចំនួន ១១​គ្រួសារ។

​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដែល​គ្មាន​ឯកសារ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ជិត ២០​គ្រួសារ ក្នុង​ចំណោម ៣២​គ្រួសារ  ទទួល​បាន​សំណង​ជា​ផ្ទះ​នៅ​ជាយ​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ ដែល​មាន​ទីតាំង​ស្ថិត​នៅ​ភូមិ​អណ្ដូង សង្កាត់​កាកាប ខណ្ឌ​ពោធិ៍សែនជ័យ ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ។

​ចំណែក​ពលរដ្ឋ​ដែល​មាន​ឯកសារ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​មាន​តែ​ពីរ​គ្រួសារ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះ ក្នុង​ចំណោម ១១​គ្រួសារ​ដែល​ព្រម​ទទួល​យក​សំណង​ពី​សាលា​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ៕

គ្រួសារ​និង​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​ថា​ការ​សម្រេច​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​សកម្មជន​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ​គឺ​ជា​រឿង​អយុត្តិធម៌

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ម្ដាយ​របស់​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ លោកស្រី ទី ម៉ារី (អាវ​បៃតង) និង​ម្តាយ​របស់​លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី លោកស្រី ដួង សាកធារី (អាវ​ក្រហម) ឈរ​នៅ​ខាង​មុខ​តុលាការ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង កាល​ពី​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៥ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨។ LICADHO

ដោយ វ៉ែន សុមេធ RFA 2018-01-26

ក្រុម​គ្រួសារ និង​អង្គការ​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​ហៅ​​ការ​សម្រេច​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​សកម្មជន​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ ចំនួន ២​នាក់ ឱ្យ​ជាប់ពន្ធនាគារ​រយៈពេល ១​ឆ្នាំ និង​ពិន័យ​ប្រាក់​ម្នាក់ ១​លាន​រៀន គឺ​ជា​រឿង​អយុត្តិធម៌។ ការ​លើក​ឡើង​នេះ ក្រោយ​ពេល​សាលាដំបូង​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង បាន​ចេញ​សាលក្រម​សម្រេច​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ និង លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី ដែល​ជា​សកម្មជន​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ ឱ្យ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​រយៈពេល ១​ឆ្នាំ ដោយ​អនុវត្ត​ទោស​ចំនួន ៥​ខែ សល់​ពី​នេះ​ព្យួរ​ទាំង​អស់ និង​បង្គាប់​ឱ្យ​បង់​ប្រាក់​ពិន័យ​ម្នាក់​ចំនួន ១​លាន​រៀល នៅ​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៦ ខែ​មករា។

​ក្រុម​គ្រួសារ​សកម្មជន​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ មិន​ពេញ​ចិត្ត​ឡើយ​ចំពោះ​សេចក្ដី​សម្រេច​របស់​តុលាការ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង ពេល​នេះ ប៉ុន្តែ​ពួកគាត់​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​គម្រោង​ប្ដឹង​ជំទាស់​នៅ​ឡើយ​ទេ។ យ៉ាង​នេះ​ក្តី ម្ដាយ​របស់​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ និង​លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី រីករាយ ត្បិត​កូនៗ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ជិត​ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​ដោះលែង​ឱ្យ​មាន​សេរីភាព​វិញ ក្នុង​រយៈពេល​ប្រមាណ​កន្លះ​ខែ​ទៀត ក្រោយ​ពេល​អនុវត្ត​ទោស​រួច​រាល់។

ម្តាយ​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ គឺ​អ្នកស្រី ទី ម៉ារី មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ស្នើ​សុំ​ឱ្យ​តុលាការ​ទម្លាក់​ចោល​ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​ទាំង​ឡាយ និង​បញ្ចប់​សំណុំ​រឿង​មួយ​នេះ ពីព្រោះ​ពួកគេ​ទាំង​ពីរ​នាក់​បំពេញ​ការងារ​មិន​មែន​សម្រាប់​ផលប្រយោជន៍​ផ្ទាល់​ខ្លួន​នោះ​ឡើយ គឺ​ជា​ផល​ប្រយោជន៍​សម្រាប់​សង្គម​ជាតិ​តែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។

អ្នកស្រី​ហៅ​ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​កន្លង​មក​គឺ​ជា​រឿង​អយុត្តិធម៌៖ «ហើយ​ខ្ញុំ​វា​សប្បាយ​ចិត្តត្រង់​ថា គេ​លើកលែង គេ​កាត់​ទោស​ឱ្យ​កូន​យើង​ជាប់​ប៉ុណ្ណឹង យើង​បាន​ចេញ​ពី​គុក​ហើយ​ហ្នឹង និយាយ​ថា ចេញ​ពី​គុក​ចុះ។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ខ្ញុំ​មិន​សប្បាយ​ចិត្ត​ត្រង់​ថា គ្នា​អត់​មាន​ខុស​អី​ចាប់​គ្នា​មក​ដាក់​គុក»។

​ការ​ប្រកាស​សាលក្រម​នេះ គឺ​មានការ​ចូលរួម​ពី​ក្រុម​គ្រួសារ​ជនជាប់ចោទ មេធាវី​ឱ្យ​ជនជាប់ចោទ អង្គការ​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល និង​សកម្មជន​ដីធ្លី នៅ​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៦ ខែ​មករា។ នៅ​ម៉ោង​ជាង ២ និង ៤០​នាទី ចៅក្រម​ជំនុំជម្រះ លោក កែវ សុខា បាន​ប្រកាស​សាលក្រម ខណៈ​មេឃ​កំពុង​ធ្លាក់​ភ្លៀង​ខ្លាំង សម្រេច​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​សកម្មជន​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ ២​នាក់ គឺ​លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី និង​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ ឱ្យ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​រយៈពេល ១​ឆ្នាំ ដោយ​ត្រូវ​អនុវត្ត​ទោស​រយៈពេល ៥​ខែ និង​បង់​ប្រាក់​ពិន័យ​ម្នាក់ ចំនួន ១​លាន​រៀល។ គិត​មក​ដល់​ថ្ងៃ​ប្រកាស​សាលក្រម​នេះ អ្នក​ទាំង​ពីរ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​រយៈពេល​ជាង ៤​ខែ ហើយ​នឹង​ត្រូវ​អនុវត្ត​ទោស​រយៈពេល​កន្លះ​ខែ​ទៀត។

សកម្មជន​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ​ទាំងពីរ​រូប​គឺ​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ និង​លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី ត្រូវ​បាន​បញ្ជូន​មក​តុលាការ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង ដោយ​រថយន្ត​ពន្ធនាគារ​ខេត្ត នៅ​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃទី២៥ ខែ​មករា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៨។ រូបថត​ដោយ​លោក ផល ចំរើន

​មិន​ខុស​គ្នា​នេះ ម្តាយ​របស់​លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី គឺ​អ្នកស្រី ដួង សាកធារី រីករាយ ពីព្រោះ​កូន​របស់​ខ្លួន​ជិត​មាន​សេរីភាព​ឡើង​វិញ ប៉ុន្តែ​អ្នកស្រី​ក៏​មិន​ពេញ​ចិត្ត​ចំពោះ​ការ​កាត់​ទោស​កូន​អ្នកស្រី​ឱ្យ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ​រយៈពេល​មួយ​ឆ្នាំ និង​បង់​ប្រាក់​ដល់​ដើម​បណ្ដឹង ១​លាន​រៀល​ទេ ពីព្រោះ​កូន​របស់​អ្នកស្រី​គ្មាន​កំហុស។ អ្នកស្រី​មិន​ទាន់​ដឹង​ថា ត្រូវ​ធ្វើ​អ្វី​បន្ត​ទៀត​នោះ​ទេ ដោយ​រង់ចាំ​កូន​ចេញ​ពី​ពន្ធនាគារ​វិញ​ទើប​សម្រេច​ជា​ក្រោយ៖ «ខ្ញុំ​សូម​អំពាវនាវ​ឱ្យ​តុលាការ​ហ្នឹង​លុបចោល​រឿង​ទោស​អី​ឱ្យ​អស់ ហើយ​រឿង​លុយ​មួយ​លាន​រៀល​ហ្នឹង​ដូច​អយុត្តិធម៌​ពេក​ហើយ»។

​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ និង​លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី ត្រូវ​បាន​អាជ្ញាធរ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង ចាប់​ឃុំ​ខ្លួន​តាំង​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១២ ខែ​កញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៧ មក​ម្ល៉េះ ក្រោយ​ពេល​អ្នក​ទាំង​ពីរ​បាន​ជិះ​ទូក​ថត​រូបភាព និង​វីដេអូ សកម្មភាព​កប៉ាល់​ដឹក​ខ្សាច់​ស៊ីលីកា (Silica) ពីរ​គ្រឿង​ក្នុង​លំហ​សមុទ្រ នៅ​ឃុំ​ព្រែកខ្សាច់ ស្រុក​គីរីសាគរ ខេត្ត​កោះកុង។

​ដើម​បណ្តឹង​ក្នុង​សំណុំ​រឿង​នេះ គឺ​ក្រុមហ៊ុន អិល.វ៉ាយ.ភី (L.Y.P) របស់​លោក​ឧកញ៉ា លី យ៉ុងផាត់ ដែល​ជា​សមាជិក​ព្រឹទ្ធសភា​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា ជា​មេ​បន​ល្បែង​ដ៏​មាន​ឥទ្ធិពល និង​ជា​អ្នក​រក​ស៊ី​នាំ​ចេញ​ខ្សាច់​នៅ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង អស់​រយៈពេល​ជា​ច្រើន​ឆ្នាំ​មក​ហើយ។

​តំណាង​អយ្យការ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​ពួកគេ​ចំនួន​ពីរ​បទល្មើស គឺ​ទី​១ ញុះញង់​ឲ្យ​ប្រព្រឹត្ត​បទឧក្រិដ្ឋ​ជាអាទិ៍ និង​ទី​២ ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប៉ះពាល់​ដល់​សិទ្ធិ​ខាង​រូបភាព​បុគ្គល។

​អតីត​អ្នក​សម្របសម្រួល​បណ្តាញ​ស្ត្រី​នៃ​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ អ្នកនាង លឹម គីមស័រ យល់​ថា ការ​សម្រេច​របស់​តុលាការ​ពេល​នេះ គឺ​អយុត្តិធម៌​សម្រាប់​ជន​ជាប់​ចោទ​ដដែល ពីព្រោះ​ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​កន្លង​មក​គឺ​ជា​រឿង​មិន​ត្រឹមត្រូវ។

​ស្ថាបនិក​អង្គការ​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ​ជនជាតិ​អេស្ប៉ាញ លោក អាឡិចហាន់ដ្រូ ហ្គន់ហ្សាឡេស ដេវិតសឹន (Alejandro Gonzalez Davidson) បាន​ដឹង​ជា​មុន​រួច​ទៅ​ហើយ​ចំពោះ​ការ​សម្រេច​របស់​តុលាការ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង ទៅ​លើ​សហការី​របស់​លោក​ពេល​នេះ។

​លោក អាឡិច បាន​លើក​ឡើង​ក្នុង​បទសម្ភាសន៍​ជាមួយ​វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី កាល​ពី​យប់​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៥ មករា ថា តុលាការ​នឹង​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ និង លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី ពីព្រោះ​តុលាការ​បាន​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់ និង​ឃុំ​ខ្លួន​ពួកគាត់​រយៈពេល​ជាង ៤​ខែ​រួច​ហើយ ម្យ៉ាង​តុលាការ​ស្រុក​ខ្មែរ ពិសេស​តុលាការ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង មិន​ឯករាជ្យ​ទេ ប៉ុន្តែ​ជា​តុលាការ​បែប​ឆាក​ល្ខោន​តែប៉ុណ្ណោះ៖ «ជា​រឿង​ដែល​អាច​វា​អស្ចារ្យ​បំផុត ព្រោះ​អី​គេ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​ទៅ​លើ​អ្នក​ណា​ម្នាក់​វា​មិន​ចាំបាច់​មាន​បទល្មើស មិន​ចាំបាច់​មាន​ជនរងគ្រោះ មិន​ចាំបាច់​មាន​ភស្តុតាង ឬ​សាក្សី​អី​ទាំង​អស់​ទេ។ គ្រាន់​តែ​មាន​បញ្ជា​ពី​ជន​អន្ធពាល​មួយ​ចំនួន ដូចជា​ជន​អន្ធពាល លី យ៉ុងផាត់ ជាដើម ឬ​ក៏​បទបញ្ជា​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ឬ​រដ្ឋលេខាធិការ​ម្នាក់​ក្នុង​វិស័យ​រដ្ឋ ប៉ុណ្ណឹង​គឺ​គ្រប់គ្រាន់​ហើយ»។

​យ៉ាងណា​ក៏ដោយ ម្តាយ​របស់​លោក លោក ហ៊ុន វណ្ណៈ និង​ម្តាយ លោក ឌឹម គុណឌី លើក​ឡើង​ថា នៅ​ពេល​កូនៗ​របស់​ពួកគាត់​ចេញ​ពី​ពន្ធនាគារ​វិញ ហើយ​ចង់​ចូលរួម​សកម្មភាព​ការពារ​បរិស្ថាន​បន្ត​ទៀត អ្នកស្រី​មិន​ហាម​ឃាត់​ឡើយ គឺ​មាន​តែ​លើកទឹកចិត្ត​ពួកគេ​ឱ្យ​ចូល​រួម ពីព្រោះ​ជា​ការងារ​ជួយ​ដល់​សង្គម​ជាតិ។

អ្នក​សម្របសម្រួល​អង្គការ​លីកាដូ (LICADHO) ប្រចាំ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង លោក អ៊ិន គង់ជិត ដែល​បាន​តាមដាន​សំណុំ​រឿង​នេះ​រហូត​មក មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា ការ​សម្រេច​សាលក្រម​របស់​តុលាការ គឺ​អយុត្តិធម៌​សម្រាប់​ជន​ជាប់​ចោទ​ទាំង​ពីរ។ លោក​ថា សំណុំ​រឿង​នេះ​តុលាការ​គួរ​ទម្លាក់​ចោល​ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់​ទាំង​ឡាយ និង​មិន​គួរ​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​ទេ ពីព្រោះ​សកម្មភាព​របស់​ពួក​គាត់​កន្លង​មក​គឺ​ជា​ការ​រួម​ចំណែក​ជួយ​ដល់​សង្គម​ជាតិ៖ «យុវជន​ទាំង​ពីរ​ហ្នឹង​គាត់​បាន​លះបង់ ស្ម័គ្រ​ចិត្ត​ដោយ​ពុំ​មាន​គិត​ពី​ផលប្រយោជន៍​ផ្ទាល់​ខ្លួន ហើយ​គ្នា​ធ្វើការ​ដូច​ជា​មិន​មាន​ប្រាក់ខែ​ប្រាក់​អី​ផង។ អ៊ីចឹង​មិន​គួរ​ទទួល​ទោស​បែប​នេះ​ទេ ហើយ​ការ​សម្រេច​ក្ដី​ថ្ងៃ​នេះ ជា​សារ​មួយ​បញ្ជូន​ទៅ​កាន់​យុវជន​ទាំង​អស់​ឱ្យ​មាន​ការ​ភ័យ​ខ្លាច»។

​មន្ត្រី​សង្គម​ស៊ីវិល​ដដែល​យល់​ថា ការ​ចោទ​ប្រកាន់ និង​កាត់​ទោស​សកម្មជន​មាតា​ធម្មជាតិ​ទាំង ២​នាក់ ឱ្យ​ជាប់​ពន្ធនាគារ ១​ឆ្នាំ និង​ពិន័យ​ប្រាក់ ១​លាន​រៀល​ពេល​នេះ គឺ​ជា​ការ​អនុវត្ត​ផ្ទុយ​ពី​គោលនយោបាយ​របស់​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ព្រោះ​រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល​តែង​អំពាវនាវ​ឱ្យ​ពលរដ្ឋ​ចូលរួម​ការពារ​ធនធាន​ធម្មជាតិ​ទាំង​អស់​គ្នា។ លោក​បន្ត​ថា ការ​ចូលរួម​របស់​ពលរដ្ឋ ពិសេស​យុវជន​ចំពោះ​កិច្ច​ការពារ​ធនធាន​ធម្មជាតិ គឺ​មាន​សារសំខាន់​ណាស់ ហើយ​គួរ​មាន​ការ​លើកទឹកចិត្ត​ពី​សំណាក់​អាជ្ញាធរ​រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល ដោយ​មិន​ត្រូវ​ចាប់ចង ចោទ​ប្រកាន់ និង​ផ្ដន្ទាទោស​នោះ​ឡើយ៕
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